Africa: US, In; China, In; France, Out.

No continent suffers violence today on the level of Africa. Nor is there a land so massive and so poor. In the past few years, superpowers have ramped up strategies to exploit the land's resources and angle for military superiority. China has been building infrastructure in the south, to be paid in future oil deliveries. At the same time, the US has launched AFRICOM, a centralized military command.

One would think that the European Union would follow suit. Lest we forget that the most powerful nations in Europe a hundred years ago colonized all of Africa, divided the spoils, and left it in tatters after World War II. However, the EU seems to be turning the other way.

French President Nicholas Sarkozy, midway through a trip through the continent has announced sweeping changes in his country's military power in Africa. Lately he's come under fire for France's recent involvement in the Chadian crisis. (Chad is a former French colony.) He said, "Defense agreements must reflect the Africa of today and not yesterday."

France has four bases throughout Africa, some of which are now rumored to be shut down. "It is unthinkable that the French Army should be drawn into domestic conflicts," Sarkozy said.

Western involvement on the continent, even when done with the best intentions, so often seems to be a refashioned colonialism, minus the guns, plus the paternalism. Only, France's move presents the quandary: naming quickly five massive conflicts -- Darfur, Southern Sudan, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Chad, and Kenya -- would the continent fare better left to its own devices?

 

The thought exercise may be a worthy one as France retreats, but neither China, nor the US, are going anywhere anytime soon.

[Image: movie poster for L'Afrance, 2001.]

Report: Annan's Room Bugged, 100 Million Affected by Kenyan Violence

[At right: the Rift Valley in Kenya.]

Until the recently disputed elections and ensuring street violence, Kenya held special status on the African continent. The vital role it played in providing stability is all the more evident now that Nairobi and the Rift Valley are embroiled in violent political conflict.

Former Secretary-General Kofi Annan has so far headed the peace negotiations, but a report from South Africa's Independent Newspapers claims that the ranking diplomat's hotel room has been bugged and the peace talks are now "in tatters." Annan's security aides uncovered the spy device. No word on who might have planted it.

At the same time, a substantial report from IRIN explains that, because of the disruptions in Nairobi, more than 100 million people—that is a third of the population of the entire US—could be affected in Sudan, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Considering the thin lifelines staving off conflict in some of these places, that the Rift Valley makes up a 6,000-kilometer fissure in the earth's crust may soon serve as a chilling metaphor.

From the IRIN report:

Southern Sudan, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda and the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have experienced shortages of fuel and other essential supplies because of insecurity along the Kenyan section of the Northern Corridor, one of the most important transport routes in Africa. It runs from the Kenyan port of Mombasa westwards through Uganda and the Great Lakes.

Among aid agencies, the UN World Food Programme (WFP) faces the greatest challenge, feeding seven million vulnerable people in East Africa and the Great Lakes.

"WFP is extremely concerned because Kenya is not just supplying Kenya. It's supplying much of east and central Africa, both with commercial trade and food and also humanitarian assistance. It's a very worrying problem," WFP spokesman Peter Smerdon told IRIN.

"We need to feed seven million people every month and that includes 250,000 [internally displaced by the post-election violence] in Kenya on top of our normal caseload. We need a continuous supply line.

"If the roads are closed for a week or two weeks, then we get into real problems. We might have to start postponing food distributions. You could see people [going] hungry if the road network is knocked out for weeks," he said.

Covering more than 1,400km, the Northern Corridor is the largest in Africa, used by 4,000 light vehicles, 1,250 trucks and 400 buses per day. It carries more than 10 million tonnes of cargo a year.

WFP moves more than 1,000 tonnes of food out of Mombasa every day of the year, according to Alistair Cook, the logistics co-ordinator. "WFP has to keep the corridor in operation or else we will lose hundreds of thousands of refugees through starvation," he said.

Ban Ki-moon on Kenya, Chad, and the Safety of UN Staff Worldwide

What follows are selections from UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's press stakeout this morning:

Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. As you know, I have just briefed the Security Council on the serious developments in Africa. Over the past month, I have been deeply engaged in the evolving situation in Kenya. As I warned at the African Union summit last week, ethnic clashes threaten to escalate out of control. During my visit, I told Kenya's leaders, President Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga, that they bear a particular political responsibility for the future of Kenya. I stressed to all the Kenyan leaders the need to stop the unacceptable violence and killings and to resolve their differences through dialogue and the democratic process. I also appealed to all the political leaders to think beyond their individual interests or party lines, and to look to the future of Kenya as one country . . .

Turning to the situation in Chad, I am alarmed by the deteriorating security situation in the capital, N'Djamena, and elsewhere. We can no longer guarantee the safety and security of UN staff in Chad and we have evacuated, with the help of the French Government, most of the personnel into neighboring countries, in Cameroon and Gabon. However, a small number of personnel from MINURCAT in N'Djamena, and some other UN agencies, some essential members, are still remaining. We will take necessary measures in close cooperation with the French Government when it is necessary. The United Nations will do its utmost to help resolve the crisis . . .

I urged the Council to act swiftly to help bring this terrible crisis to an end . . . We need our forces in the theater of operations as soon as possible. UNAMID still lacks required aviation and ground transportation—chiefly helicopters. Additional troops will not make up for this shortfall. Countries that called for intervention in Darfur are under a special obligation to deliver on their promises . . .

Before concluding, let me say a few words about the security and safety of United Nations staff and premises. Recent events in Kenya, Chad, Darfur and Algeria serve only to underscore this matter's urgency.

I am therefore setting up, as I already announced in Geneva two weeks ago, an Independent Panel on Safety and Security of UN Personnel and Premises. The panel will be chaired by Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, who possesses vast experience and knowledge of UN operations.

I will also be engaging with Member States in the coming weeks and months to strengthen the security and safety support they are providing to UN staff posted in their countries. Thank you very much.

The French in Chad as Rebels Overrun Ndjamena

Sunday nights at the United Nations Security Council aren't known for four-hour blowout negotiating sessions. Violence in central Africa, however, summoned the fair arbiters of 21st century international peace and security to the horseshoed table yesterday. The region faces nightmarish mahem.

France conquered Chad in 1920, relinquished control in 1960, and yesterday French military swept in to evacuate Westerners as rebels overran the capital city of Ndjamena. Reports now are unclear; it seems as if Chadian president Idriss Déby has fought them off, though, according to the Associated Press, in the city "casualties were believed to be high." After taking fire, the US embassy now stands evacuated and abandoned.

Bloodshed in Ndjamena threatens to bring a bloody cauldron of fighting and murder to a boil. Three different Chadian rebel groups have banded together. As recently as 2006, rebels attempted to topple Déby's government in Ndjamena; since, Deby has gone against the country's constitution and taken a third term as president. Now, the banded rebels, which swear allegiances to distinct clans, charge Deby with corruption and stacking his parliament with his own Zagawa clan. (Zagawas make up less than three percent of Chad's population.)
 
Eastern Chad today houses hundreds of thousands of displaced Darfuris on its border, a remote region that has for years been home to varying forms of unrest. A force of more than 20,000 UN peacekeepers had been scheduled to land in Darfur by the end of 2007, but that didn't happen. Officials have since said that deploying a force by the end of 2008 would be a goal, and more importantly, any effort to calm the situation in Chad first depends on the pacification of Darfur. On Friday Reuters reported that Chad wrote to the Council, "Faced with the aggression orchestrated and strongly supported by Sudan, the Chadian government intends to use its legitimate right of defense by all means at its disposal, including pursing the aggressors into Sudanese territory."

In effect, the border between the two countries is entirely imagined. Roads are dirt, crossings are controlled by rebel groups, not state-paid customs and border control officials. That said, the more this border widens, the more a severe conflict could not only spread but also challenge the sovereignty of Ndjamena and Khartoum, and as it all goes down, put into question the postcolonial borders of both nations.

The wildcard is France. In the past, Paris has come to Chad's rescue, in the strange custom of a former kidnapper protecting out of obligation. Nicolas Sarkozy, the newly-married French president, this time instead offered President Déby a ride out of town. The Chadian president refused. French officials have said that Sudan is backing the Chadian rebels.

The Council released a statement this morning support the government in Ndjamena. Interpretations were being made as to what kind of support the statement authorizes, but French military support could soon be on the table.

UPDATE: France appears to have stepped on on Déby's behalf, and violence in the capital has quieted.

Kenya News Update: Murder of Politician Sets off Violence

Reports put the total dead in post-election Kenya at nearly 1,000 over the last month.

Most recently, Mugabe Were, a young Kenyan politician for the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), who was organizing a peace march was shot dead, twice in the head, in his driveway today. The murder set off a wave of deadly riots across the country, further increasing violence. Two military helicopters fired rubber bullets into a mob of 600 bearing machetes. (New York Times; Radio Netherlands; Sydney Morning Herald.)

Reports have also been filed of people being burned alive. The brutality and velocity of violence brings to mind the rapidity with which previous large-scale slaughters have come about, namely in Rwanda when ethnic violence gave way to the murder of 800,000 in less than a month. Marie Okabe, the United Nations special adviser on genocide has spoken out, invoking international law.  (ABC News; Reuters.)

Background on the violence: at Wikipedia and the Council on Foreign Relations.

A report from Al-Jazeera English:

AFRICOM: US Going it Alone Again, Naturally

New peace talks aimed at resolving the crisis in Darfur began this weekend in Libya. The prospects don’t look good. Although the Sudanese government agreed to a cease-fire on Saturday, leaders of some of the most potent rebel groups did not even show up.

Congress, former Secretary of State Colin Powell and President Bush have all called the situation a genocide. But while the U.S. has given more than $2 billion in aid since 2005, according to Bush, at the same time it’s changed its military position in Africa. You have to ask, is the U.S. repeating its go-it alone style of foreign policy in yet another hotspot?

Since February 2003, when violence broke out in Darfur — an area of the Sudan that is roughly the size of France — more than 200,000 people have been killed, and nearly 3 million have been driven from their homes. Tens of thousands live in refugee camps, sheltered by tattered brown tents. Not only has the situation grown far more complex as rebel groups have splintered, but violence in Chad, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of the Congo suggest that Darfur isn’t an isolated issue.

“We all know that Africa cannot fully develop economically, politically or socially where there is violence, the threat of terrorism or fear about the security of legitimate governments and the people they represent,” Jendayi Frazer, assistant secretary for African affairs, told Congress in August. Her testimony explained the U.S.’s “new strategic relationship with Africa” by way of Africa Command, or AFRICOM, which will create a permanent U.S. military command on the continent in conjunction with the State Department. To put it simply, the endeavor is an attempt at diplomacy and nation-building backed by military firepower.

The State Department has acknowledged how touchy the notion is, but what may be more worrisome is the idea that, with military might and economic leverage, the U.S. can act alone in this world.

Glancing back at recent history, this has proved to be a dubious strategy at best. Earlier this fall, the climate change talks Bush orchestrated alongside those held by the U.N. turned out to be a disaster. Moreover, flying solo in Iraq has left the U.S. without a friend to help shoulder the burden.

Given the situation in Iraq, and adding the increasingly dire situation in Darfur, can the U.S. really afford to continue to go it alone?

(Originally published in Metro in New York, Boston, and Philadelphia. Image of Intifada transit refugee camp from USAID.)

Sudanese Refugees Band in Gangs on Cairo Streets

The streets of Cairo today are witnessing a confluence of American gang culture and strife in Sudan.

According to a Reuters report, there are nearly a million Sudanese refugees living on the streets of Egypt's capital city, regularly considered the cultural hub of the Arab world. And the ensuing strife sounds like Los Angeles in the early 1990s, only the rival gangs are not the Bloods and the Crips. In Cairo there are the Outlaws and the Lost Boys.

And they hack each other to death, as Abigail Hauslohner reports, with machetes.

According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, this population wave comes not from the genocide in the western Darfur region of Sudan, but from the ostensibly resolved two-decade old war with Christians in the south. As the war ended, UNHCR shifted their policy and the displaced lost their refugee status. Now the millions of Sudanese on Egyptian streets face racial discrimination and violence. They cannot find work and have joined gangs loyal to particular Cairene neighborhoods.

UNHCR wants the refugees to either return to Sudan or integrate into Egyptian society, but as is the case with so many refugee waves, without a plan for assimilation, the groups end up disenfranchised and do double damage: they lose out on opportunity, and the local region, in this case Cairo, which is a remarkably safe place, now has violence on its streets.

(Photo of downtown Cairo by Andrew Bast.)

 

Fat Americans, Starving Africans, and the Farm Subsidies That Love Them

US farm subsidies may win the award for the kind of story that, on face, is immensely boring, yet it is a story with severely devastating impacts across the globe. We're in the middle of a ten-year stretch, during which time the US government will hand out at least $171 billion, subsidizing big American farmers and spurring the overproduction of wheat, corn and the like.

From the Heritage Foundation, "Most of their enormous $171 billion cost would subsidize highly profitable Fortune 500 companies, agribusinesses, and celebrity 'hobby farmers' and help fund their purchases of small family farms, and the average American family would be left paying $4,400 in taxes and inflated food prices to benefit millionaires--unless Congress or President George W. Bush finally puts an end to this counterproductive waste of taxpayer dollars."

And then there are the Africans.

So not only are Americans paying out of their own pocket twice, first as taxpayers and then second as consumers at the grocery store, but then the US turns around to do its good deeds around the world, of which it does quite a bit with international aid, and the farm subsidies bear their bushels of rotten fruit once again. Inflated prices from American farmers hurt the world economy; farmers in the developing world can't sell their crops at market prices because market prices have been manipulated (remember the infusion of $171 billion?).

On top of messing with the market, the US regularly delivers giant sacks of grains to areas of the world like Darfur and the Congo, only, the wheat it delivers was grown in the US with the subsidies, so it's a trifecta: the delivery of aid itself is further depressing the local economies of developing countries.

So it was shocking to see CARE, a major humanitarian organization fighting global poverty, boycott the aid of the US. CARE turned down $45 million worth of wheat, arguing that its distribution harms local farmers. The Independent even wrote that the aid was "wrecking" Africa.

Lastly, the 2007 US Farm Bill, which is currently being debated in Congress and will be in effect for five years, looks like it will pass, with little change in policy.

Western Medicine Reaping What It Has Sowed in Sub-Saharan Africa

Not even 2% of the world's doctor's practice in sub-Saharan Africa. So, then, why is it that Africans, who are in desperate need of medical care and attention, distrust Western medicine that is, ostensibly, coming to their side?

Harriet Washington chronicles several injustices that Western medicine has reaped throughout the continent and makes clear that these tragic injustices--from biological weapons in South Africa to the tens of thousands infected with HIV via reused and contaminated needles--become highly publicized across the continent. Thus, a backlash against Western medicine. Washington:

Certainly, the vast majority of beneficent Western medical workers in Africa are to be thanked, not censured. But the canon of "silence equals death" applies here: We are ignoring a responsibility to defend the mass of innocent Western doctors against the belief that they are not treating disease, but intentionally spreading it. We should approach Africans' suspicions with respect, realizing that they are born of the acts of a few monsters and of the deadly constraints on medical care in difficult conditions. By continuing to dismiss their reasonable fears, we raise the risk of even more needless illness and death.

From Houston to Luanda, First Class Oil

The demand in Luanda, Angola, for oil and gas lawyers is apparently on the up and up. Despite the fact that it is 7,644 miles from Houston to the capital on the southeastern coast of Africa, according to a report by Mary Flood in the Houston Chronicle, oilmen are now being accompanied three times a week on a direct flight.

Angola, a country of 16 million, had been ruled by the Portuguese since the 15th century and was left in shambles when the Europeans went running home after a socialist-inspired coup toppled the government in 1975. The country's long coastline could have been a valuable asset to the freed Angolans, but war ravaged the country. Only lately has the economy begun to grow, spurred by two unsurprising developments.

First, the country has oil reserves. It joined OPEC in 2006 and currently outputs about a 1.5 million barrels a day. That is expected to rise to 2 million. Second, China, as it has in much of Africa, in 2004 invested $2 billion to build the country's infrastructure. As usual, the money came as a line of credit, to be paid with future oil deliveries.

There is plenty of room for development: UNICEF reports that life expectancy in 2005 was just 41 years.

Return your seats to their full and upright position. The flight is run by World Airways and Angola's Sonair. Tickets come by invite only. According to Flood's report, traveling from Texas would otherwise take more than two days. 15-hours nonstop is a nice perk.

In fact, just today Houston-based Marathon Oil Corporation announced a deep water discovery off the coast.

Here's a suggestion for the oil industry workers and lawyers hopping on that flight. Ditch the in-flight magazine and read up on how the oil industry mucked up the Nigerian delta. Private flights don't seem that big a deal, but if anyone remembers the wretched history of Shell oil in Nigeria, bad business doesn't make for good industry, and the Chinese laboring away on roads and bridges may have the upper hand in this one.

(Image from Robert P. Byrne's flickr.)